Introduction
Today we bring you the third in our series of five posts on the relationship between the ANC and religion. Together the five posts comprise a single essay on the ANC and religion, the central thesis of which is that religion is a helpful metaphor for understanding the ANC's political ideology and, in particular, for better understanding the politics of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma. The five different posts - each one of which constitutes a different section of the full essay - are as follows:
- Introduction
- The ANC and Religion
- Thabo Mbeki and the truth
- Jacob Zuma and God
- Conclusion
The essay from which the posts are drawn was written in May 2008, when Thabo Mbeki was still President. Today's post looks at the politics of current ANC President and South Africa's former Deputy President, Jacob Zuma. Zuma is an openly religious man; he also epitomises the ANC's particular brand of nationalism. These two world views complement each other in a number of significant ways.
Jacob Zuma and God
"Divine Right: the very phrase would seem odd, as denoting a deity's disposition of rights to mortal man or woman to rule a portion of earth, if belief in it were not an historical reality. It is surprising that those who invoked the notion did not see that it rested on nothing more elaborate than the primitive notion that might is right, for it is the deity's vast and inexorable power to punish and dispose that enforces the ‘right' of a king to rule by supposed dictate of what that deity wills." [1] [AC Grayling]
A marriage made in heaven
If the belief that the ANC is infallible is implicit in the thinking and writing of Thabo Mbeki, it is certainly explicitly on show for everyone to see when it comes to Jacob Zuma - an openly religious man who wears his Christianity on his sleeve. Indeed, in many respects, Jacob Zuma epitomises this argument.
Religion constitutes one of two central pillars around which Zuma's world view is shaped. In an interview in October 2006, Zuma described his philosophical outlook as follows: "I start from basic Christian principles. Christianity is part of what I am; in a way it was the foundation for all my political beliefs."[2] The second pillar would be the ANC itself, to which Zuma remains absolutely devoted. As he put it to a crowd of ANC supporters in the Eastern Cape: "How can a person live, if not for the ANC?"[3] For Zuma, these two forces are ever-present and never separate, the one constantly informing and defining the other.
As I have argued above, while Zuma's religiosity is certainly more extreme than the underlying ideas and assumptions inherent in the reasoning of Thabo Mbeki, they both spring from the same well. And if one accepts that the ANC more generally has many of the characteristics and traits that a religious movement might have, one can immediately see how the two reinforce and complement each other with regard to Jacob Zuma, and the damaging consequences for democracy.
With regard to the explicit, Zuma's relationship with the church is often used as a vehicle through which he actively seeks and receives political support.
By way of illustration, as the ANC's internal divisions were starting to turn ugly, Zuma pleaded with around 5 000 worshippers at the Ethiopian Holy Baptist Church in Zion over Easter last year to join the ANC en masse, and to pray for it, in order to fix the organisation. Later he suggested that religious people should challenge government if they felt legislation conflicted with the Bible, that "Church leaders should be able to tell government leaders if they are straying and their laws clash with the teachings of the Lord".[4] In January 2007, the Friends of Jacob Zuma Trust organised a massive prayer service aimed at providing "moral support" for Zuma and to "bolster his coffers" ahead of his impending corruption trial.[5]
And these two most powerful guiding forces in Zuma's life merged entirely in May last year, when Zuma was ordained an honorary pastor at a meeting of the independent charismatic churches, just outside of Durban. Again, politics was not far away. The Priests and bishops who spoke at the induction pledged their support for Zuma, "all the way to Limpopo". Before placing a cleric's collar around Zuma's neck, Pastor Qiniso Shabalala declared: "We want a leader who seeks poverty and who walks and lives among the poverty stricken... rather than a person who learns about poverty through the internet" (a reference, no doubt, to Mbeki).[6]
God, it appeared, was now not only on the ANC's side, but on the side of Zuma himself.
It is true that Zuma's induction into the church was not uniformly welcomed by other religious faiths but Zuma was fairly unequivocal in his response: "This is a symbol that has been decided upon by the church. In fact, it symbolises the collaboration between the church and politicians. This is, in a sense, to arm me with my work as on of the leaders, that we could jointly lead the people."[7]
And, as one might expect, when the relationship isn't explicit, it is implicit and, significantly, his address to the prayer service also holds a telling insight. No doubt responding to widespread criticism of the ruling party, Zuma said the ANC needed churches to strengthen it and suggested that people who were unhappy with the ruling party turn their attention to the individuals concerned, because the ANC as a whole was not the problem: "Criticise us as individuals, not the ANC as an organisation of the people."[8]
Again, this makes perfect sense. For anyone who believes the ANC is sacred cannot find fault with the nature of the organisation itself. Its existence is primary and beyond reproach and, should it fail in any given respect, the only possible explanation can be that the people within it - fallible human beings - are at fault (just as the Church cannot fail, only the priesthood). Its purpose and programme of action, however, are infallible - perfectly conceived, morally and politically.
These, then are the cornerstones on which Jacob Zuma's world view is based. He regards himself, first and foremost, as a Christian - a Christian cadre devoted to the African National Congress. Some might say: a marriage made in heaven.
When world views collide
In and of itself, this is not necessarily a problem (at least, not in terms of their rights, the accompanying policies and moral attitudes are often deeply problematic). Many political parties are entirely religious and openly devoted fundamentally to pursuing and advocating a religious agenda. The African Christian Democratic Party, for example, is dedicated first and foremost to the Bible as its primary moral code. The problem comes when a political party (such as the ANC) ostensibly devotes itself to Constitutionalism and the Bill of Rights as its core moral code but, in reality, places itself above the Constitution and embraces an ideology which puts its own (often undemocratic) values above those contained in the Bill of Rights. In many respects, Zuma typifies this phenomenon and his personal beliefs are constantly re-enforced by the religious undertones that define the ANC.[9]
As is so often the case, the conflict between Zuma's religious beliefs and the Bill of Rights plays itself out with regard to those seemingly ambiguous issues debated in many democratic states: homosexuality, the death penalty, the boundaries between the church and the state, and so on and so forth.
One must not forget that any religious text (such as the Bible) is a strict moral code, and that it carries many rules and values, some of which complement our Constitution but many others of which run contrary to its ideals and principles.
Gay marriage, for example, and homosexuality in general, is condemned by the Bible (and God) but protected by the Bill of Rights - a distinct problem for man who is both an ordained pastor and the President of South Africa's one ‘true' democratic party; never mind the former Deputy President or the head of South Africa's moral regeneration movement. How does one reconcile the word of God with the Bill of Human Rights?
Zuma couldn't, and his 2006 pronouncement that "same sex marriage is a disgrace to the nation and to God"[10] tells us as much about his commitment to Constitutionalism as it does his ability to separate his faith from his politics.
"When I was growing up," he continued, "ungqingili [homosexuals in isiZulu] could not stand in front of me, I would knock him out."
That comment was met with outrage and condemnation. Yet, even in his subsequent apology, Zuma could only bring himself, at best, to imply that his tolerance for gays and lesbians existed only because South Africa has a Constitution which protects their rights. The implication being, were there no Bill of Rights, any reason to respect them would fall away:
"Our gay and lesbian compatriots are protected by the Constitution and I respect their rights, in my capacity as an individual citizen and as a member and one of the leaders of the ANC."[11]
Again, it is important to understand exactly what I am saying here. I am not questioning Zuma's right to his own personal religious convictions. Just like every other right, the Constitution protects that freedom. What I am saying, however, is that when those two worlds merge (the personal and the public), inevitably religion (which is absolute) will trump Constitutionalism.
And that confrontation has played itself out in public too. In 1996, Zuma told a group of delegates in KwaZulu-Natal that "Once you begin to feel you are above the ANC, you are in trouble..."; that the ANC is "more important" than the Constitution and that, in fact, the Constitution existed only "to regulate matters". In 2006, some ten years later, Zuma proudly reminded a group of supporters in the Eastern Cape of his comments, reinforcing his belief that the ANC is the primary and ultimate force for good in South Africa.[12]
Zuma's comments about homosexuality are deplorable - as indeed is his attitude to the Constitution - and the implications are worrying indeed. But his inability to place the Constitution at the centre of his political philosophy is not a marginal issue, which manifests from time to time: he openly rejects the idea, and his personal beliefs (and the ANC's religious undertones) converge most dramatically in the idea that the ANC will govern until the end of days:
"God expects us to rule this country because we are the only organisation which was blessed by pastors when it was formed. It is even blessed in Heaven. That is why we will rule until Jesus comes back. We should not allow anyone to govern our city (Cape Town) when we are ruling the country."[13]
This most recent such declaration is nothing new - at least twice before Zuma has said something similar. In the run-up to the 2004 election, Zuma told a crowd that "the ANC will rule South Africa until Jesus comes back"[14] and, in 2007, he declared that "we believe it (the ANC) will be in power forever until the son of man comes back".[15]
Zuma the absolute monarch
In his book, ‘Towards the Light', British moral philosopher A.C. Grayling sets out the three defining characteristics of absolutism, with reference to the French monarch Louis XIV who, like Zuma, believed he ruled by the grace of God. Let as look at all three of them, and see how they relate to Zuma.[16]
First, though, Grayling offers the following description of an absolute monarch:
"An absolute monarch is one over whom there is no higher authority than himself (other than God; some thought they were God - Caligula; and some are God - the Japanese emperor), and who therefore, in theory at least, acts without any restraints except for his own conscience and what he accepts of tradition. He is above the law, and has no legitimately recognised opposition. His power over his subjects is technically unlimited."
Zuma might not believe he is God, but he is certainly capable of drawing a parallel between his own personal narrative and that of the New Testament. In an interview in March 2006 Zuma said he was "like Christ", that the media and his detractors wanted to nail him to the cross, like Jesus; and that certain newspapers had sought to "crucify him".[17] It is a parallel and metaphor often embraced by Zuma's supporters too. Subsequent to that interview - and outside of one of his many court appearances - several Zuma supporters carried placards which read, among other things: "Zuma is Jesus" and "Why are you crucifying Zuma?" One supporter carried a white home-made wooden crucifix, bearing a picture of Zuma with outstretched arms.[18]
The first characteristic was that the absolute monarch "asserted that he owned all the land of France; what was thought of as private property in fact belonged to him..."
If we refer back to Zuma's quote above, about the end of days and Cape Town, as with Mbeki, the use of the word "our" reveals the ANC President's underlying assumptions. Zuma suggests that Cape Town (the one metropole not under an ANC administration) belongs to the ANC; which is logical given that he assumes the party governs by divine right. Perhaps more disturbing still is the preceding line: that the ANC should "not allow anyone to govern". The current administration in Cape Town is the consequence of a democratic election. If that outcome is unacceptable to Zuma, so is the most fundamental democratic principle: the possibility of a change in power.
The second characteristic that Grayling identifies is "that since the King is answerable only to God, he is not bounded by agreements with men, including other monarchs, and that meant he was not bound by international treaties."
The best illustration of this, certainly with regard to the ANC more generally, is the party's attitude towards the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and its belief that any human rights violations carried out by ANC members in the fight against apartheid could not be compared to violations committed by those people fighting in defence of apartheid; or to use the party's own words, the "alleged gross violations of human rights for which the ANC and its organs are said to be politically and morally accountable are, in fact, inseparable from the consequences of legitimate struggle".[19]
Certainly the notion that a separate (and morally legitimate) body could judge the ANC - and find it guilty - was simply abhorrent and utterly unacceptable to the ruling party; after all, "[the struggle] laid the basis for national unity and reconciliation in our country as well as the very establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission".[20] As with the Constitution, the ANC saw the TRC as a product of - and subservient to - its own democratic will, the latter always trumping the former.
The TRC's final report challenged the ANC's grand narrative (as the one true democratic force in South Africa's history) in a fundamental way and equated its actions with those of the enemy (in effect, good was equated with evil). The consequence was that the ANC completely rejected the TRC's findings - it argued the TRC had "grossly misdirected itself" - and its actions during the struggle, even those which violated international treaties and conventions, were defended as correct (even noble) and legitimate.[21]
Zuma, intricately involved in the ANC's underground movement and the operations of Mkhonto we Sizwe, was one of the 27 ANC leaders to be refused amnesty by the TRC[22] (although admittedly only after the high court had forced the Commission to reconsider its original decision). The decision to apply for collective amnesty was ostensibly to take "collective responsibility" for the ANC's actions; but, in doing so, it avoided individual culpability, ignored international and national law and undermined the very purpose of the TRC (some might say, the most important ‘agreement' after the establishment of a new democracy).
The third characteristic of absolutism that Grayling describes is that "the king is above the law".
Zuma's attitude toward the Constitution, his impending court case and even the Scorpions suggests a man at odds with the rule of law and certainly with little respect for its position in South African society or its relationship to politics and political parties. And his utterances about God, Jesus and the ANC certainly indicate that he believes he and the ANC are not answerable to the electorate or a given constituency. Indeed, there is a strong case to be made that, for Zuma, the law comes a distant third to both the ANC and his religious beliefs.
There is a fourth characteristic not identified by Grayling, perhaps because it is so obviously implicit in all three: that the absolute monarch rules by divine right. For Zuma, the ANC is sanctioned ("blessed") by God, a notion which carries with it a series of profound implications for those who stand in opposition to the ANC, because "to oppose governments that rule by divine right is to be a traitor; to attempt to dislodge them, even through the ballot box, is a declaration of war. In short, opposition to the ANC is rendered utterly illegitimate."[23]
If one follows the logic through, those who support the ANC will also be in God's grace - for they would have aligned themselves with God's chosen party (and leader): the one, true force for good. Here, too, Zuma has been explicit and, interestingly, his comments were also made in Khayelitsha (where he said "we should not allow anyone to govern our city"). During the March 2004 election campaign he told a gathering of ANC supporters that those who vote for the ruling party will be "blessed on earth and in heaven".[24] The obvious implication in that sentiment is that those who do not vote for the ANC, will be damned, on earth and in hell. Once again, the diametric world the ANC occupies and battle between good and evil, in which it believes it is the central role player, manifests in its most disturbing form, in the politics of Jacob Zuma.
(There is an interesting parallel to be draw here between this remark and that of ANC leader in KwaZulu Natal, S'bu Ndebele, who, during the 2000 local government election campaign, told a audience "To all Africans, Coloureds and Indians who voted for the DA, be warned that there's going to be consequences for not voting for the ANC. When it comes to service delivery, we will start with the people who voted for us and you (DA supporters) will be last."[25] So, those who do not vote for the ANC are threatened on two fronts: in hard, practical terms (they will be the last to receive basic services) but also, and as if that wasn't enough, metaphysically: they will be damned for all eternity.)
No doubt, Zuma would argue that he is quite capable of separating his religion from his politics but that would be untrue; for by their very nature his political philosophy is religious, which his Christianity not only complements but intensifies.
This article was first published on the Democratic Alliance weblog - The Real ANC Today - November 23 2008
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Endnotes
[1] A.C. Grayling; Towards the Light; [Bloomsbury; 2007]; pg 112.
[2] R.W. Johnson; Business Day; [10 October 2006]; "All eyes on the man from Inkandla". Elsewhere Zuma states, "[When I was young] I wanted to be a teacher, a priest or a lawyer but all I do was to try to get other children to show me what they learnt at school."
[3] See Beeld; [29 November 2006]; "Grondwet is nie wapen". Interestingly, this is the same story that reports Zuma as referring to his 1996 comments about the ANC being more important than the Constitution.
[4] See City Press; [8 April 2007]; "Challenge unchristian laws, urges Zuma". The paper also reports that Zuma read out the preamble of the constitution and reminded congregants that it called upon God to protect the people of South Africa.
[5] See Citizen; [24 January 2007]; "So help me God". Just like the ANC forgives its members, rather than holding them to account, so the church was willing to forgive Zuma his past discretions. When asked about Zuma's personal strife (most particularly, the news that he had had sex with the HIV-positive daughter of one of his struggle comrades), Pastor George Lebusa said: "His past mistakes are not at issue here. He needs our prayer, similar to everyone else who has sinned in the past, and has there won things in the closet."
[6] See South African Press Association; [6 May 2007]; "Zuma now a ‘pastor'"
[7] See The Mercury; [7 May 2007]; "‘Pastor' Zuma raises eyebrows".
[8] See Citizen [5 February 2007]; "ANC must return to God: pastor". An interesting aside, and perhaps a more radical example of how religion and politics mix for Zuma, the paper reports that after the service, "Zuma joined a gospel band in singing his trademark struggle song, Lethu Mshini Wani (Bring me my machine gun)".
[9] The African Christian Democratic Party's Constitution, for example, is explicit about the role God and Christianity plays in its vision for South Africa. The opening line reads: "The Party believes that South Africa is a Nation under the Almighty God" and, later, it goes on to state, "We believe the Holy Bible to be the inspired, inerrant written word of God and the final authority above all Man's laws and government." By way of comparison, the ANC's constitution makes no reference to South Africa's Constitution, citing its own and the Freedom Charter as its definitive guide instead. Which makes perfect sense seeing as it believes it is primary and the South African Constitution secondary to South Africa's democracy. The Democratic Alliance's Constitution contains the following: "South Africa's constitution is the only foundation on which an Open Opportunity Society can be built because it recognises that every person is equal in dignity and worth and guarantees the freedom of each individual. The rights enshrined in the constitution must be defended and promoted in order to protect the people of South Africa from the concentration and abuse of power."
[10] See Sowetan; [26 September 2006]; "JZ slams same sex-marriage"
[11] See Statement by ANC Deputy President Jacob Zuma; [28 September 2006]; "On remarks about gay and lesbian community". Zuma's explanation for his comments was as follows: "My remarks were made in the context of the traditional way of raising children. I commented in particular about the manner in which communities tend to neglect the boy children and over-emphasise the traditional upbringing of girl children as evidenced in ceremonies such as the reed dance. I said the communal upbringing of children in the past was able to assist parents to notice children with a different social orientation. I however did not intend to have this interpreted as a condemnation of gays and lesbians." Although that doesn't explain his statement that gay marriage was disgrace before the nation and God.
[12] See Die Burger (27 November 2007) "ANC moenie mekaar met Grondwet bykom - Zuma". The background to this issue is as follows: In 1996 Jacob Zuma served the ANC as its national chairperson. The party was experiencing considerable internal turmoil in the Free State which revolved, by and large, around Patrick ‘Terror' Lekota, the party's Premier in the province at that time. Zuma was called in to resolve the dispute. His primary goal was to re-enforce the ANC's policy of cadre deployment and, with it, the principle that party members were accountable first and foremost to the ANC. And so it was that Zuma told delegates at an ANC regional meeting in Durban, KwaZulu-Natal, "Once you begin to feel you are above the ANC, you are in trouble". Several newspapers reported on his speech. Among them, the Eastern Province Herald [18 November 1996; "Zuma warns ANC leaders"], which wrote: "ANC leaders in government should not regard South Africa's Constitution as being "more important" than the ANC because this would land them in trouble, ANC national chairman Jacob Zuma said here yesterday", and the Natal Witness [18 November 1996) "Don't lose touch with grassroots"], which quoted Zuma as saying, "No political force can destroy the ANC - it is only the ANC that can destroy itself". According to the paper, Zuma had said the Constitution was there only "to regulate matters".
[13] See Cape Times; [5 May 2008]; "ANC to rule until Jesus comes back". In a speech to more than 1 000 people at an ANC rally in Khayelitsha, Cape Town, Zuma also stated "We have a huge task as the ANC to lead this country. There is no other political party."
[14] See Business Day; [15 March 2004]; "ANC will rule SA until Jesus comes back, says Zuma". In trying to explain away Zuma's comment, ANC spokesperson Smuts Ngonyama said, "The expression the Deputy President used was a manner of speech which is used in a number of ways in a number of different languages," before concluding, rather ironically, "it is a pity that some political parties in the country are prepared to abuse the political beliefs of some South Africans in an effort to secure votes for themselves." (see This Day; [17 March 2004]; "ANC shrugs off criticism of ‘Jesus' remark made by Zuma", for more).
[15] See South African Press Association; [28 October 2007]; "Zuma: ANC could rule forever".
[16] See A.C. Grayling; Towards the Light; [Bloomsbury; 2007]; pgs 112 - 115.
[17] See Sowetan; [24 March 2006]; "I'm like Christ - Zuma".
[18] See Citizen; [28 March 2006]; "Zuma Jesus row".
[19] See the document Submission of the African National Congress to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Reply to the Section 30 (2) of Act 34 of 1996 on the TRC: ‘Findings on the African National Congress'; [October 1998]. The submission, which constitutes a sustained attack on the TRC and its motives, also states: "we will fight using all legitimate means, to defeat any effort which seeks to denounce the noble struggle the people waged, on the basis that it constituted a gross violation of human rights." Put another way: The ANC will fight to correct the TRC's version of history and the ANC's role in it.
[20] See the document Submission of the African National Congress to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Reply to the Section 30 (2) of Act 34 of 1996 on the TRC: ‘Findings on the African National Congress' [October 1998].
[21] A powerful illustration of this point is the correspondence between Tony Leon MP and President Thabo Mbeki concerning Mzwai Piliso - an ANC cadre who, during the struggle, committed a series of gross human rights violations (and, in turn, violated several international treaties, such as the Geneva conventions). In fact, Piliso was found guilty of doing so by several internal Commissions. Yet, post 1994, the ANC government still decided to name an intelligence training academy after him. Tony Leon raised this issue with the President, comparing it to Mbeki's suggestion that Grahamstown be remained as it is named after a colonial oppressor. Mbeki's response was telling: "The naming of a South African Intelligence Academy and of a city such as Grahamstown are obviously different questions. In the cases you raise, there is no similarity and no equivalence. This is the more so when one takes account of the intentions of the two persons involved - indeed, their lives stand in direct opposition to each other. In the one case, the person was involved in the subjugation of the people of South Africa and, in the other, the person fought in a struggle for democracy on behalf of the people of South Africa." InsidePolitics; (http://www.insidepolitics.org.za/blog_details.aspx?EntryId=49&page=search)
[22] For more see Statement by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission; [4 March 1999]; "Amnesty decision on ANC leaders". The TRC's explanation for refusing amnesty was that the Promotion of Unity Act made not provision for granted amnesty to a collective. The 27 ANC members refused were: 1. Mr Lambert Lehlohonolo Moloi; 2. Mr Ngoako Abel Ramatlhodi; 3. Mr Snuki Joseph Zikalala; 4. Mr Bill Lesedi Masetlha; 5. Mr Nakedi Mathews Phosa; 6. Mr Zacharia Pitso Tolo; 7. Mr Nosiviwe Masipa; 8. Ms Phelile Refiloe Florence Mdluli-Sedibe; 9. Mr Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma; 10. Mr Jacob (Jackie) Selebi; 11. Mr John Kgoana Nkadimeng; 12. Mr Alfred Nzo; 13. Mr Sathyandranath Ragunanan (Mac) Maharaj; 14. Mr Joe Johannes Modise; 15. Mr Andrew Mandla Lekoto Masondo; 16. Mr Stephen Vukile Tshwete; 17. Mr Godfrey Nhlanhla Ngwenya; 18. Mr Peter R. Mokaba; 19. Mr Barry Phillip Gilder; 20. Mr Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki; 21. Mr Charles Ngqakula; 22. Mr Sizakele Whitmore Sigxashe; 23. Mr Bambelela Alois Manci; 24. Ms Ruth Segomotsi Mompati; 25. Mr Sidney Sipho Makana; 26. Mr Joel Khathutshelo Netshitenzhe and, 27. Mr Tokyo Mosima Gabriel Sexwale.
[23] See Statement by Ryan Coetzee MP; [5 May 2008]; "DA condemns Zuma's invoking of God to justify eternal ANC rule".
[24] See Sowetan; [5 March 2004]; "ANC voters will be blessed - Zuma".
[25] See The Mercury; [6 December 2000].
