It's no longer a question of "if". As the morning of September 19, 2014 dawned, it became clear that in the Scotland Referendum on Independence the "No" vote had won a resounding victory. The outcome of the vote was greeted with delight by British Prime Minister David Cameron, who said that the victory margin of around 55%-45% had settled the issue "for a generation... perhaps for a lifetime". However, no longer another "if"!
In the next breath, Mr. Cameron immediately confirmed that the "No" vote, under no circumstances, will mean - "No" change! Mr. Cameron said he would ensure that the vows his government made during the referendum - about enhanced devolution of political powers to Scotland - (and to Wales?) and supported by all major British parties - Tories, Labour and Liberals alike - would be "honoured in full". A decisive new turning point has been reached in British history. For the conservative "Unionists" in Britain, the "No" vote success could ultimately become a Pyrrhic victory.
British politics, British identity, have definitely reached a new fluid situation - with more emphatic and competing interests and identities in the offing as well. Westminster Parliament is unlikely to survive as the sovereign for all what became known as the British Isles, and might wind up as a strictly English parliament. Devolution is about decentralization, not quite like federalization, but about pushing political powers out and down all the same.
Enhanced devolution is about transferring even more self-governing powers out and down. But where, when will it stop? Human nature being what it is, you give a little, and people will soon expect more. Ambitious politicians of a more specific regional kind, claiming historic identities, are already waiting in the wings, and not only in Scotland, and all anxious to build careers around more recent parliaments in Scotland, Wales - and the Catholic Irish now in the Stormont parliament in Northern Ireland can be expected to share the same appetites.
Count on it - for one, the British unitary state is moribund, and is heading in federal directions. Indeed, good riddance, because such will not only be more democratic, but also the better way to assure that a modicum of unity will survive in the United Kingdom. Future Scots, future Welsh, future Irish, if somewhat met half-way, are unlikely to pursue independent nationalist objectives with the same vehemence as their parents did, or as an earlier deeply offended Irish nationalist generation did, at one time part of the United Kingdom as well.
But also let's consider the Scotland referendum in terms of current European realities, the European Union, in which democracy is surely practiced but, foremost too, also still couched in terms of ongoing historic nationalist positions, and centred on the rights of identity-conscious cultural communities to keep a say in their own futures.