The 5 crises of the Zuma Presidency 

Note to editors: This is an extract of the speech that was delivered by the DA Parliamentary Leader,Lindiwe Mazibuko MP, during the Presidency Budget Vote Debate today in Parliament.

Mr Speaker,

Honourable President, 

Honourable Members,

Today all of our minds will be focused on President Nelson Mandela. 

At this sensitive time, our thoughts and prayers are with uTata's family and loved ones.   

We are reminded that President Mandela's term in office proved that a leader's words and actions matter. 

He defined the truths of his time in simple terms.

In his first State of the Nation Address on 24 May 1994, he plainly said that the "acid test of the legitimacy" of his administration would be the progress made in delivering measurable freedoms.

Our former president defined freedom with unmistakable precision:

"Our definition of the freedom of the individual must be instructed by the fundamental objective to restore the human dignity of each and every South African."

Accordingly, he spoke of "the goals of freedom from want, freedom from hunger, freedom from deprivation, freedom from ignorance, freedom from suppression and freedom from fear".

On this occasion of the 2013 Presidency Budget Vote, we must all take note of these wise words.

We must hold ourselves up to this high standard, for this is the South Africa we all set out to build in 1994. 

But, Mr Speaker, this last year has seen us take a major step backwards in achieving this goal. 

Over the last year, this government has stumbled from crisis to crisis. 

And, Mr Speaker it is an unavoidable conclusion that President Jacob Zuma's lack of purpose and direction is at the very heart of the problem. 

One doesn't have to look far back to see just why.

Two weeks ago, President Zuma spoke at a press conference in an attempt to reassure the global markets about the state of South Africa's economy.

Speaking about the crisis afflicting the mining sector, he said: 

"It is only in undemocratic countries that there are no strikes," He added: "I don't think we should take strikes as a problem."

Within hours, the value of the rand had plummeted by three per cent, and breached the ten to one U.S dollar mark. 

The rand's fall showed that the markets have reached the same conclusion that the rest of South Africa reached some time ago: they have no confidence in the President of the Republic. 

Mr Speaker,

One year ago, at this podium, I asked the president to put aside self-interest, and not to seek re-election as the leader of his party.

I said that if he were to do this, he would have an opportunity to devote himself to the challenges of government and youth unemployment. 

I said that if the President made this commitment, he would have an opportunity to put the undoubted talents of his warm-heartedness, compassion, and conflict resolution into the service of our great nation.

The Honourable President did not heed this call, and tragically for South Africa, the past year has seen South Africa unravel even further towards the culmination of a failed presidency.

The rand slumped after the President's press briefing because of what he has done; and because of what he has not done.

What is it about our President that causes a run on our currency? 

The answer is his leadership and his record. 

Since last year's Presidency Budget vote, the Honourable President's failure of leadership has been manifested in five major crises.

In August 2012, 34 mine-workers were shot dead in cold blood by members of the South African Police Service at the Lonmin mine. This was not a random event.  

High levels of poverty and inequality, an apartheid-era migrant labour system, and the broken labour bargaining system set the context. 

But Marikana, above all, represented failed presidential leadership. 

The Honourable President's toxic and client-based relationship with COSATU left him powerless to intervene.

The President did not foresee the Marikana crisis because he and his government only cared about the concerns of the mine workers who belonged to the ANC-affiliated union, the National Union of Mineworkers. 

What did he care for the unconnected outsiders in AMCU? 

How could he play the role of honest broker in the dispute when members of his own party's executive are major shareholders and board members of the very same mining houses in which COSATU unions are the dominant force?

The crisis did not begin and end in August last year. Since the initial unrest at Marikana we have seen continued leadership failure from the President. His government still refuses to empower small unions to participate in wage negotiation.

We have also seen continued carnage and bloodshed; on the twelfth of May AMCU organiser Mawethu Steven became the latest victim when he was fatally shot outside Rustenburg.

Honourable Members,

The economic fallout of Marikana has been as incalculable as the human pain.

In September last year, the Marikana tragedy triggered the downgrading of South Africa's sovereign credit rating by Standard & Poor's and Moody's.

Both agencies cited political and economic instability as the reasons for the downgrades.

Over the last year, billions of rands in economic output have been lost due to wildcat strikes.

If the President were serious about avoiding another downgrade, he would provide leadership and policy certainty to facilitate reforms to the labour dispensation and enable smaller unions to have a say in negotiating wages.

A strong President would move swiftly to counter fears about nationalization and a mining super tax. He would lock in policy stability to attract investors. 

The President must lead the process of labour market reform by providing direction to his government.

Unfortunately, it is clear that the government has learned no lessons from the national tragedy at Marikana.

With an election looming, the President capitulates to COSATU at every turn. 

Even ANC stalwarts like Reserve Bank governor Gill Marcus are now beginning to speak out. 

Last week, she said that "decisive leadership" is needed to tackle South Africa's domestic challenges, which have reached "crisis proportions". 

But the President's response seems to be: ‘crisis, what crisis?'

Mr Speaker,

In October last year, the President's lack of decisive leadership was reinforced by his response to the scandal surrounding the upgrade of his private home in Nkandla to the tune of over R200 million in public money.

South Africa owes a great debt of gratitude to the dogged determination of the independent media who shone a light on this shameful affair. 

Honourable Members, it is no coincidence that our citizens' right to know has been imperiled during President Zuma's term in office. 

According to Freedom House, South Africa was classified as ‘free' with a score of 30 out of 100 for freedom of the press in 2009 when the Honourable President first assumed office.

This year, South Africa slid to ‘partly free' with a score of 35 for the same category.

This time last year, we could never have imagined that the President's ministers would deploy a pernicious apartheid law - the National Key Points Act - to try and prevent the truth emerging about who authorised the Nkandla upgrade.

If the President really wanted to reassure the markets two weeks ago, he would have asked that the inquiry report into Nkandla be declassified immediately.

Only bad governments thrive under the cloak of darkness. Those who have nothing to hide have nothing to fear. 

Mr Speaker,

In April this year, this same veil of secrecy was drawn over the murky circumstances which led to the tragic death of 15 South African National Defence Force soldiers in the Central African Republic. 

Many more were injured. 

We still do not know the precise circumstances of how, and why, our soldiers died at the hands of rebels who had seized power after toppling former president Francois Bozize.

The President has failed to provide full answers. In every crisis, he misses the opportunity to take the nation into his confidence.

Last year, I posed a question: does the Honourable President use power, or does power use him?

This year, the revelation that the President's close friends, the Gupta family, used the Waterkloof military airbase for a family wedding answered that question.

The President has presided over the creation of a nepotistic state within a state.

Presidential leadership requires both executive confidence and a respect for democratic institutions.

But the President's management style of cronyism and patronage has led to the collapse of good governance across the administration. 

The same lack of executive responsibility has led to the failure to appoint a Head of the Special Investigating Unit and a suitable National Director of Public Prosecutions. 

Mr Speaker,

Honourable Members,

On this occasion of the last budget vote of President Zuma's term of office, it is clear to all - friend and foe alike - that this Presidency is over. 

The many crises of this leadership under his watch, and his failure effectively to manage his own government make it impossible for him to redeem his Presidency.

But despite this dying presidency, blue skies are piercing the gloom. There is an alternative.

The 2014 general election will be a game changer, because the nation's fastest-growing political party is transforming the electoral landscape day by day.

Next year, five million young South Africans will come of age and register to cast their votes for the first time. They will vote for the party that actually delivers on the promise of a better life for all. 

The Democratic Alliance is marching towards government in Gauteng and the Northern Cape because we exercise power on behalf of voters, and we never let power use us.

Mr Speaker,

There is a clear choice between leadership under the DA and under the ANC on every major issue facing our citizens today.  

Take the economy: 

Since the Honourable President took his oath of office in 2009, 2. 2 million more South Africans have joined the ranks of the unemployed. 

The President's endless pre-occupation with placating his COSATU allies has cost the creation of hundreds of thousands of jobs through the youth wage subsidy.

And during his time in office, South Africa has experienced one of the lowest GDP growth rates in our peer group. 

Two weeks ago, economists downgraded South Africa's 2013 growth forecasts from 3% to 2%. 

This is completely out of step with growth rates in other middle-income economies like Thailand, Indonesia, and Chile whose GDP growth averages over 5%.

Honourable Members,

Gauteng is the economic heartland of South Africa, constituting 34% of the country's GDP. 

But there are two million people who are out of work in Gauteng. This means that 30% of the labour force cannot find work or have given up looking - 481 000 more than when President Zuma took office in the second quarter of 2009.

This is why we say a vote for the ANC is a vote for more unemployment.

The DA is working hard to win Gauteng to get the province back to work. 

Mr Speaker:

A growing and inclusive economy depends upon fixing our broken education system. 

Providing a decent education for every child is more than a virtuous goal. It is a fundamental human right. 

President Zuma has failed to push for higher standards in education and training for South Africa to survive and prosper in a fast-changing world.

Since the President came into office, the quality of the South African education system, has declined from 110th to 140th out of 144 countries in the World Economic Forum's rankings.

The Honourable President has also failed to improve South Africa's notorious ranking as the second worst country in the world for quality of mathematics and science education.

This is why we say a vote for the ANC is a vote for a broken education system. 

The Northern Cape in particular has suffered from poor governance in education. 

The education system nearly collapsed in the John Taolo district municipality last year. The acting premier, Grizelda Cjiekella, stood by powerless while children were prevented from going to school by members of the community protesting about poor delivery of services.

School children missed four months of education in Olifantshoek and other towns.

Under the leadership of a DA premier in the Northern Cape we will fix the education system.

Mr Speaker:

The rapid growth of the DA among people from all walks of life means that the new politics of change in South Africa is at hand. 

Last week, we were delighted to support the ANC's motion to debate the inspirational KnowYourDA campaign.

South Africa won democracy and freedom not in spite of liberalism, but because of the bravery of liberals in overcoming the soul-crushing legacy of apartheid. 

Ours is the noble legacy of Selby Msimang, one of the 1912 founders of the ANC, who co-founded the Liberal Party; 

Of Jordan Ngubane, the editor of Inkundla ya Bantu, who eventually left the ANC to take up the liberal cause - after helping position Inkosi Albert Luthuli to become ANC President;

Our is the history of Helen Suzman who worked tirelessly in parliament to expose the worst excesses of the apartheid government;

Ours is the legacy of Tony Leon's Democratic Party which played a major role in co-drafting our liberal democratic constitution based on non-racialism, equality and tolerance. 

And, as I look across to the government benches, I know there are ministers who identify with those values.

Our daily politics may be divided, but we share the same principles.

When the honourable Lindiwe Sisulu's valiant attempts to establish an anti-corruption bureau are mocked by the President's conduct, she must know that only this side of the House shares her determined resolve.

When the honourable Gordhan's relentless struggle to lock in economic stability is rocked daily by the President's dithering, he must realise that his vision can only be implemented by an alternative government. 

And the honourable Pandor has spent years fighting for education reform, only to have her efforts repeatedly frustrated by COSATU. 

She too must know in her heart that, with our track record, the DA is most likely to raise education standards to prepare South Africa for a changed world. 

 This is the time for members of the governing party who love this country to consider their response to this tragic conflict of loyalty.

Every leader in history is tested by how they rise to unpredicted events and trials. 

But, today the truth needs to be set out clearly.

In the life of a nation, rarely has a leader been so personally responsible for setting into motion a chain of crises as this President is. Every major crisis of the last year could have been avoided if the President had exercised principled and selfless leadership.   

I appeal directly to the governing party to spare our country any future damage by not allowing President Zuma to contest the 2014 general election. 

South Africa cannot afford one more lost year. If we are consigned to another six years of failed leadership, South Africa may never recover the lost ground.  

Honourable colleagues:

The question that the Honourable President's colleagues must ask themselves is if they can allow him to continue serving.

For the sake of South Africa, today we must unite across party lines to vote against passing the Presidency Budget. 

Issued by the DA, June 12 2013

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