A MOVEMENT FOR THE RENEWAL OF THE ANC AND REPOSITIONING IT IN SOCIETY: #ADIWELE
In 1992 a “New Democratic Party” emerged in America, with the ascendancy of Bill Clinton as the party’s presidential nominee. Clinton portrayed himself as a different kind of Democrat to what American society had gotten used to, a centrist candidate that was more in touch with the voters who had deserted the party in the 1980s.
The image of the Democratic Party had been tainted with the American voter in the 1980s and there were preconceived notions about the party and its identity which Clinton had to overcome in presenting himself as a new and different kind of Democrat, different from the likes of Jimmy Carter, Michael Dukakis, Walter Mondale et al.
The “New Democrat” idea was not just campaign rhetoric however, it represented a new approach to governance by the party, something that had been stirring within the party since the mid-1980s. The story of the “New Democrats” within the Democratic Party in America, begins with the formation of the Democratic Leadership Council within the party in 1985, to rescue the party from the political wilderness, redefine its message, and, most importantly, win presidential elections.
This was an unofficial party structure that was formed in order to influence the party to move towards a more centrist approach, which would be more appealing to American voters and to break the Republican stranglehold on the White House. The “New Democrat” idea achieved stunning success in America during Bill Clinton’s two terms in office and actually became a model for the renewal and repositioning of centre-left parties, which were resurgent in Europe and other parts of the democratic world as a result.
The story of the rise of the “New Democrats” within the Democratic Party gives us exceptionally good insights into the dynamics of intra-party change that can be used to help renew the ANC and reposition it within society. We cannot discuss renewal of the party outside electoral outcomes and public perception of the party (brand ANC).
The ”New Democrats” emerged out of an understanding of fundamental shifts in the American economy and American society at large, also demographic changes that influenced the voting patterns of Americans. An important element of the rise of the New Democrats within the Democratic Party is what one would term the redefinition of ideas and concepts that had shaped the party for a long time, this speaks into the re-imagining of policy positions with the aim of being more effective and efficient at driving socio-economic transformation.
The redefinition of ideas was one of the great successes of the” New Democrats” taking over the Democratic Party, reshaping it and repositioning it within American society. The “New Democrats” redefined their ideas to the extent that they found wider acceptance within American society, they were committed to reforming the party and modernising it in order to capture and captivate the American voter.
The Democratic Leadership Council concluded that the party’s programmes and propositions were out of touch with the American electorate and that change was needed within the party, so they created their own intra-party think tank in order to draft a new democratic agenda and a philosophy of governance.
They developed a political and ideological manifesto in order to address the most pertinent concerns and needs of the American electorate. They developed a new progressive agenda to take the Democratic Party forward and reposition it within society and found innovative, new ways to achieve traditional progressive ideals and aspirations.
The Democratic Leadership Council initiated significant political re-alignment within the party. They adapted to the contemporary environment and transformed the party, advocating for government reform and reinvention. Their main idea was that of building an “inclusive society with equal opportunities for all and special privileges for none” and they had a reformist agenda for the state which, in their view, had to be activist in nature and impact, but they were not state-centric per se.
Of course, the difference with the ANC is that it still remains largely a party in power in contemporary SA, but the sins of incumbency have begun to creep in, which have created distance, whether perceived or real, between the party and the South African electorate, as evidenced by dwindling electoral margins in the past few elections.
In the recent ANC Gauteng provincial conference, a political programme emerged that has now transmogrified into an internal movement within the ANC for organisational renewal and for repositioning the organisation in society, which has the potential to have impact within the ANC in the same manner that the Democratic Leadership Council impacted and influenced the Democratic Party in America This internal movement, an unofficial one at that, has given itself the name #Adiwele, which is the title of a popular song within a local music genre called amapiano.
#Adiwele is an intra-party movement of those who are impatient for meaningful change within the ANC and society at large. It is borne out of a realisation that the motive forces of the National Democratic Revolution are demanding faster change and are starting to doubt the capacity and will of the ANC government to bring about this change.
It is about the fundamental, systemic transformation of the SA economy so that it loses its apartheid era racial and gender composition of ownership, control, and management, shying away from populist rhetoric and cheap sloganeering which have no material impact on the lives of ordinary South Africans, but instead are informed by predatory instincts.
A 2016 article by Simon Roberts of the UJ Centre for Competition, Regulation and Economic Development, titled, An Agenda for Opening up the South African Economy: Lessons from Studies of Barriers to Entry, sums up the fundamental problem that informs the political programme of #Adiwele within the ANC and SA society:
“It is evident that South Africa is at a cross-roads. Continuing straight ahead is not sustainable. The existing structure of ownership and control excludes the majority and provides ammunition for those who argue that in reality the only way to gain access to wealth is through corruption and rent-seeking. Competition law has broken-up cartels and achieved lower prices for consumers, but it has not opened up markets to entrants, nor can it, at least with the law as it currently stands.”
#Adiwele seeks to ensure that as a progressive movement that has been governing and is still governing, the ANC must set out rules of economic and social engagement that will advance its project of social and economic transformation in order to enable the quickest and most fundamental transfer of power from one class to another.
It is clear that the measures that have been put in place over the past two and a half decades have proven to be insufficient and it is important for those in the ANC to reflect honestly on this and self-critique as revolutionaries, lest we keep doing the same thing whilst expecting different results, the definition of insanity according to Albert Einstein.
The words of Mcebisi Jonas are profoundly germane in this regard:
“We also need a mind-set change in how we go about de-racialising ownership of the economy. "We must accept that efforts to date have had limited success, and we need new conversations with all economic role-players about how we radically increase the black share of assets and wealth." In doing this, we must be cognisant of historical reality which shows that crude and aggressive indigenisation programmes lead to capital flight, declining levels of investment, increased social tension, and most importantly negative impacts on poverty and employment. We must also accept that indigenisation programmes often serve as little more than thinly veiled attempts of politically connected elites to capture rents (what the SACP has recently termed ‘radical economic looting’).”
There are structural and strategic barriers to entry that prevent the meaningful participation of the majority of the South African population within the mainstream economy and these barriers need to be expeditiously addressed as an existential necessity for the health and well-being of SA as we move towards building a National Democratic Society.
There is also a need to redefine concepts and chart a different path forward as we seek to solve some of the most pertinent problems that we are currently faced with as a society, such as Eskom and load-shedding as well as some of the big problems we have been experiencing in our state-owned entities, which are supposed to be the primary drivers of socio-economic transformation and development within SA society, but have been terribly underperforming at the expense of our national development aspirations.
Part of that will include rethinking our approach to state ownership, in line with the ANCs 1992 Ready to Govern document, which states that:
“State ownership is not posited as the in-principle alternative to all private monopolies: rather, this would be informed by the impact such ownership would have on the ability of the economy to address poverty and inequality and to encourage growth and competitiveness. Secondly, the developmental state should be responsible for enterprises that provide public goods such as infrastructure and basic services. "Thirdly, the private sector, including monopoly capital, is treated not as an enemy, but as a potential partner – and yet one that needs to be regulated." (“The problem with nationalisation – Netshitenzhe - Moneyweb”) Lastly, balance of evidence would inform decisions to either increase or reduce the public sector while protecting consumers and workers.”
It is this kind of approach to addressing some of the challenges of our society that the #Adiwele movement is trying to bring within the ANC, with the aim of renewing the party, repositioning it within society and positively altering the trajectory of its electoral performance going forward, in a similar manner to how the Democratic Leadership Council impacted the Democratic Party in America.
It is to address the despair and hopelessness of society, best encapsulated in these haunting, eerie words that were posted by a young ANC activist on social media recently:
“….to learn that the disdain for the organisation is no longer just on social media, it is a lived reality on the ground. The experience was painful. We are being rejected for things that have nothing to do with us, we put our own lives in danger for things we have no part of or understanding of. Yet our bravery is revolutionary. The more our leaders hide behind history and struggle credentials instead of accounting for service delivery or the lack thereof, the more it gets watered down in the eyes and minds of people. Our manifesto means nothing at all anymore. We seem to be too far gone as an organisation at this rate and the inevitable is all that awaits us. I suspect that even if there is a leadership change, the organisation itself has become undesirable for people to give it another chance. We are simply removed from reality. We remain an organisation of history and nostalgia. I could be wrong, I am not a prophet of doom, it is bad but hopefully we will be OK.”
Mugabe Ratshikuni works for the Gauteng Provincial Government. He is an ANC activist and part of the branch leadership of ANC Florence Mophosho branch, Ward 115, Greater Johannesburg Region. He was a branch delegate at the recent ANC Gauteng provincial conference, and he writes here in his personal capacity.
