Madam Helen Zille our people do not need a black South African Obama.
The past twenty years of our democratic dispensation has been a theatre of intense new forms of struggle between dominant antagonistic class forces in our society. Our transition has become a hostile arena of a struggle to resolve the appalling contradictions of the centuries old legacy of imperialism and colonialism.
The Apartheid neo colonial forces are at a cross road to take the responsibility of the historic legacy of poverty, disease and underdevelopment in our country. They have instead imposed twenty years on our democratic government as a barometer to resolve all the socio economic challenges facing our people.
Our country has become a battleground of intense struggle for socio economic transformation of our society. Our country has become a site of a titanic war between forces of our revolution represented by the ANC and forces of counter revolution represented by the DA.
The DA has inherently assumed its historic role of representing the domestic and international counter revolutionary forces hellbent to undermine the achievements of our national democratic revolution. The essence is to restore the Apartheid socio economic ownership patterns.
Over the centuries old struggle for national liberation, racial chauvinism has been a dominant factor in the South African socio economic and political landscape. Even today it has still constituted itself as a dominant factor in the historical sequence of shaping social relations in our society.
Our premise is to understand how the DA seeks to employ racial antagonism to undermine the strategic objectives of our national democratic revolution. The preponderance of Apartheid neo colonial forces is still the anchor of racial and national antagonism.
The post modernism theory is at an offensive to distort the history of the struggle for the liberation of our country. The essence of this neo liberal theory is that there are no general historical laws guiding the development of the South African society.
The core strategy is to undermine the underlying factors which are the characteristic features of the legacy of the racist Apartheid minority rule over the years. For them prevailing realities of the South African socio economic conditions started with the triumph of the 1994 democratic breakthrough.
The tactic is to instigate our people against our democratic government and therefore hold it accountable for the rampant legacy of Apartheid colonialism. Forget the past and look into the future.
This mechanical approach seek to undermine our scientific theory of dialectical materialism which provides the framework for analysing society and its history of development. It undermines the scientific theory that the kind of a society we live in is shaped by power relations in the ownership of the means of production.
History is a prove that the level of ownership of the productive forces determines the social relations in any society. In our own specific South African situation, racial domination and exploitation has been a prelude to economic power and superiority.
Our theoretical preposition emanates from the ongoing ideological offensive perpetuated by the DA to distort the history of the struggle of our people. The DA is window dressing its leadership echelons with black faces as a basis for the transformation of our society.
In the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Karl Marx himself gives a profound theoretical formulation of how ideas can outlive the economic and social conditions from which they arose:
"The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living. And just when they seem engaged in revolutionising themselves and things, in creating something that has never yet existed, precisely in such periods of revolutionary crisis, they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service and borrow from them names, battle cries and costumes in order to present the new scene of world history in honoured disguise and borrowed language".
I have posed this question mindful of the true fact that in the whole history of the development of human society, there has been no such a difficult task equal to the building of a new democratic society. The journey of building a new world social order is the most daunting one.
We have to grapple with the most important theoretical question wether indeed our people need a black South African Obama to take forward the objectives of our national democratic revolution. Wether we need a calibre of a Hollywood star Mr Musi Maimane, to take forward the struggle for total liberation of our country.
It is indeed absurd of the DA to accentuate that the leadership of our democratic republic can only be determined on the basis of the colour of the skin. The contrary is colour of our skin is nothing else but the superficial cover of the insight human.
Therefore our country does not need a black Obama to accelerate the struggle for socio economic transformation of our society. We do not need a foot soldier of counter revolution, Mr Musi Maimane, as a guarantee to achieve the objectives of our national democratic revolution.
Over the years our struggle has assumed a non racial character, our national democratic revolution has produced the best of our sons and daughters on a non racial basis.
Cde Ivon Jones, J.B. Marks, Moses Kotane, Thabo Mofutsenyane, Gert Sibande, Walter Sisulu, Oliver Tambo, Govan Mbeki, Ahmed Kathrada, Vuyisile Mini, Lilian Ngoyi, Joe Slovo, Brian Fischer, Getrude Shope, Flag Boshielo, Nelson Mandela, Lawrance Phokanoka, Ruth First, Thabo Mbeki, Kgaleme Motlanthe, Jacob Zuma and many of our unsung heroes and heroines.
Phatse Justice Piitso is the former Ambassador to the republic of Cuba and the former provincial secretary of the SACP writing this article on his personal capacity.
Click here to sign up to receive our free daily headline email newsletter
