Comrades;
Members of the NUMSA NOB and NEC;
Delegates; and
Distinguished Guests;
It is with great pleasure, honour and deep appreciation to be afforded the opportunity to address the biggest metal workers union in Africa and South Africa - the National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa (NUMSA). I bring to you greetings from the leadership and the entire membership of COSATU. I wish you a successful congress and hope that we will use it as a moment of honest reflection to chart the way forward for NUMSA, COSATU and the entire democratic movement.
Having spent many years in the Federation I always had deep admiration for NUMSA's pioneering and path-breaking role in COSATU. Anyone familiar with the history of COSATU knows of the tremendous contribution of NUMSA on political, ideological, economic, workplace and organisational matters. NUMSA in my view was one of the trailblazers in the South African trade union movement. Twenty years later, we must ask ourselves whether this characterisation of the metal workers union is still accurate. I will come back to this question later in my address.
The eighth congress happens at a tumultuous and difficult time in the world, the history of our young democracy and our movement. Judge Nicholson judgement has set in train events that culminated in the recall of the former President Thabo Mbeki and installation of comrade Kgalema Motlanthe as the President of the Republic. As we are all aware this has prompted a potential split led Terror Lekota, the resignations of some Ministers and the former Premier of Gauteng. The deteriorating economic situation here at home and globally is also cause for concern. I will touch each of these issues in my talk today.
Our character as a movement and a people is not tested during the best of times, but during trying moments. As a generation of leaders and cadres we are confronted with specific challenges to which we must respond. The mark of leadership is to offer vision during testing times and avoid wallowing in self-pity. I have no doubt that all of us are concerned and worried about recent developments and are looking for assurance that the leadership is on top of these issues.
The international financial meltdown threatens to plunge the world economy into a deep recession. In my view, we are reaping the fruit of reckless liberalisation of the financial sector according to the dictates of the neo-liberal gospel. Current economic development serves to lift a veil on the hypocrisy of neo-liberals. Governments in many countries have spent billions of rand trying to save few financial companies, to a point of virtually nationalising the Wall Street in the United States, contrary to the dictates of the neo-liberal gospel. The truth is that neo-liberals support state intervention to save capitalists by nationalising private debts while private corporations reap the profits.
We are told South Africa is weathering the storms yet we are perched on a major currency crisis as the rand loses value against major currencies, mainly the dollar. Again, we are defenceless against this senseless panic because we followed the advice to liberalise the financial sector. The SARB's decision to leave interest rates unchanged, though welcome, does not address the fundamental volatility and instability associated with liberalised financial markets. In the context of the international currency crisis, South Africa, more than at any time, should reconsider its monetary policy to support growth, employment and poverty reduction.
The unravelling of the modest growth in GDP, employment and investments of the past eight years due to the possibility of international recession and domestic slow down of economic activity will hurt the poor the most. COSATU argued strongly that most jobs created in the past were of a poor quality. We however risk losing even these jobs as the economy, particularly the services, feels the impact of global financial meltdown and a deceleration of the domestic economy.
Workers and the poor are also pounded by high cost of living due to high food, energy and other costs. Yet, workers real wages have remained stagnant for major part of the post-1994 period. Many workers in the formal economy work for very low wages and their take home pay cannot take them home! This means we should not accept anything less than 15% on the bargaining table if workers are to lead a decent life. We also need a new deal on the economy away from the current growth path that leads to rising inequality and poor quality jobs.
COSATU CEC has agreed on the approach of the Federation regarding the current period. Let me take a few minutes to articulate our position on these matters. For the better part of the post 1994 period, COSATU raised sharp concerns about the trajectory of our country and the movement, including the following:
a.) The democratic breakthrough was a major achievement for the national liberation movement. It opened an opportunity to realise the aspirations of our people for substantive improvement in their lives. As such, it was a qualitative shift in the National Democratic Revolution. While the breakthrough, occurred in a hostile international climate, the domestic balance of forces was largely favourable to the democratic movement.
b.) The first decade of democracy brought many gains for the working class including democratic rights, including at the work place and access to basic services. In economic terms capital reaped the lion's share of benefits due to a number of reasons. In the main the growth trajectory did not fundamentally break with the logic of apartheid-colonial accumulation but restored the profitability of South African capital. Workers share in national income has since deteriorated.
c.) Economic policy was centred on stabilisation and sending the right signals to investors. To that end, South Africa voluntarily implemented economic austerity measures. This included limiting state expenditure, liberalisation of trade and capital markets; privatisation and a monetary policy narrowly focused on inflation. Under these circumstances, unemployment doubled while poverty and inequality worsened.
d.) This economic package was rammed through the throats of workers and the ANC. The Alliance and the ANC were marginalised from the core that shaped economic policy. Instead, the strategy to force a walk out by the ‘left' from within the ANC and the Alliance. To that end, a witch-hunt for ultra-lefts and counter-revolutionaries was launched. Individuals were hounded and their credentials questioned. The state machinery was deployed to deal with political rivals.
e.) In this climate a culture of fear permeated the movement and the space for democratic debate virtually closed. During this period we suffered the wrath of the core group that was leading the ANC and government. Luminaries like Mandela, Tutu, Ndungane and Boesak were not spared. Marxism was disingenuously used to support the shift to neo-liberal economics and to paint critiques as counter-revolutionaries.
However, comrades we refused to bow down and submit. We understood that short term setback should never deter the working class from remobilising and launching fresh attacks. A united working class shall never be defeated! We also understood that it is our task to fight to democratisation of the ANC and the opening up of the political space. To that end, we persevered, launched many campaigns including general strikes. We connected with the growing disillusioned members of the ANC who began to openly revolt against the technocratic, near autocratic, top down style of leadership that sidelined even the previous NEC. Polokwane happened!
This has been a difficult and arduous road, comrades, often sapping our morale and resolve. We cannot therefore at the moment of victory hand over the task to some few anointed leaders and beat a retreat to a mythical workplace barracks. In any event, victory is not fully secured until there is a real policy shift that talks to the interest of the working class. For that matter, any activist or unionist worth their salt know that victories can be rolled back. This is a time to redouble our resolve, determination and vigilance not a time to retreat! Otherwise we shall be handing over hard won victories on a silver platter to the other side. To retreat now will be to betray the resolutions of our 2003 Congress to place workers interest at the core of the national agenda in pursuit of our 2015 Plan.
Because of this the COSATU CEC correctly came to the conclusion that we must defend Polokwane. Yes Polokwane resolutions have not altogether closed debates on economy. But, it has however gone a long way to close the policy gaps and opened up debates on even the thorniest of economic policy issues. The most significant aspect of the economic resolution of Polokwane is to anchor economic policy around job creation (decent work), poverty eradication, and combating inequality.
When Polokwane is compared to existing government policy and practice, overall, policies represent a major shift- especially considered in context of policy debates since the 2005 NGC and ANC Policy Conference. It will however be an exaggeration to say that Polokwane represents, in all respects a radical policy shift. There remain areas of contradiction, ambivalence, silences, and disagreements, as well as clearly progressive perspectives. We need to consider Polokwane resolutions as a whole and in context of debates in run up to conference.
The resolutions call for all economic policies to centre, not on some abstract conception of growth, but on employment creation and poverty alleviation. That means we need to reconceptualise macro-economic policies, including narrow inflation targeting and restrictions on taxation, as well as industrial policy, which currently does not sufficiently indicate how it will create decent work for our people on a mass scale.
The resolutions also call for an agrarian development programme, which must bring decent livelihoods to those of our people who were historically most oppressed - farm workers and people in the former homelands. Above all, we need to ensure that land reform becomes a programme that creates livelihoods on a mass scale for our people, in contrast to programmes that calls only for enrichment of a few black commercial farmers. We also need to ensure that infrastructure and government services do more to support development of impoverished rural areas.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the resolutions call for thoroughgoing democratisation of our society, from the state to the economy to communities on the ground. We need to ensure that the state bureaucracy becomes more responsive to the masses, that it has to listen to the concerns of our members and the working class as a whole, and that our organisations are treated as the legitimate voice of our communities, not as one more in a queue of special interests.
So what is that we must defend?
1. Today we have a constructive environment for engagement and policy debates, as opposed to previous acrimonious public spats. We are no longer being labelled the Alliance has been transformed not as a platform for constructive engagements unlike before when the alliance was a crises manager and where our bona fides were being questioned.
2. We will defend the progressive policy platform from Polokwane, the January 8 statement, ANC Lekgotla, and Alliance Summit
3. A process to develop an Alliance Programme of Action that, if managed strategically, will go a long way to meet our demand for an Alliance Pact or Alliance agreement on governance.
4. The Alliance Summit decision that that the Alliance as a whole is a strategic political centre and the agreement that the Alliance will form part of the deployment committees, thereby addressing demands of COSATU. This agreement is absolutely important even though it must still be given a practical meaning in all provinces.
5. Opening of the economic debate, which will lead to the Alliance Economic Policy Conference on 17-19 October. COSATU now participates in a number of key ANC NEC sub committees and its ability to influence government policy has accordingly increased.
6. Opening of a space to debate issues without any fear by all citizens and organisations. Regrettably this debate is largely not focused on answering a question - what is to be done to address the high unemployment, poverty and growing inequalities. The masses of the people have used the space to agitate and mobilise around their issues as demonstrated by the increased participation in the recent and ongoing COSATU campaigns to protect and enhance the standards of living of all South Africans
7. Parliamentarians have reasserted their authority and are increasingly holding the executive to account on behalf of the population. The days of sycophancy belong to the past. This is a completely new environment, with MPs meeting their constitutional obligation for a separation of powers between the executive and parliament even in the context of the ANC being the governing party. This has strengthened democracy. Linked to this re-emergence of a vibrant and dynamic parliament, the Money Bill has been introduced so that parliament may amend all money bills. This satisfies COSATU's historic demand and meets the constitutional obligation.
8. Passing amendments to the Broadcasting Amendment Act that will address our demand for the replacement of the current SABC Board with a new more representative board that will include representatives of trade unions and civil society.
9. The agreement with the ANC not to proceed with a number of bills, which were being rushed through parliament by some ministers on the eve of elections without sufficient consultations with stakeholders including the Alliance.
10. The dismissal of non-performing premiers, which hopefully will go a long way to communicate a message that in future deployment will no longer be based on loyalty alone but on capacity to deliver. We however noted that there was not sufficient consultation on replacements.
The ANC-led alliance has faced dramatic events in the recent past, including the real possibility of a splinter group forming an alternative party. These events are deeply troubling and show deep schisms within the movement. The alliance leadership has to manage this situation with care, diligence and caution without sacrificing principles and chasing an ephemeral unity. We must leave no stone unturned to salvage the situation and restore the unity of the movement.
However, comrades we must suffer no illusion that this will be easy but the scale of the challenge must not deter us. Our weapon remains our unity and organisation and we must jealously guard them.
Having said that, it is however important to respond to some of the allegations thrown at the ANC by prominent leaders of our movement. The comrades charge the ANC for deviating from the Freedom Charter principle, especially the right to equality before the law. They further allege that the current leadership of the ANC actively or unwittingly encourage the scourge of tribalism; undemocratic practices and intolerance of dissent. Since we are not told the period since these tendencies became entrenched, we can only assume it is after they were democratically removed from office.
The ultimatum served on the ANC, or what Terror Lekota calls serving the divorce papers, is not genuine, nor is it designed to solicit any response so that there could be a more genuine engagement. This is a publicity stunt whose intention is to drum up support for the party to be announced. We are nevertheless not surprised by this announcement, as it is a fulfilment of a decision that appears to have been taken a long time ago. To us their reason for leaving has nothing to do with any so-called commitment to the Freedom Charter but the following:
· Refusal to embrace internal democracy, in that the group is constituted mostly of people who lost the vote, in a fair, transparent and democratic process in full of view of the public. The current ANC leadership won the elections in a fair, transparent, and democratic fashion. They must learn to accept democratic outcomes even if these are not in their favour.
· It is an expression of blind loyalty to former president Thabo Mbeki.
· Ill discipline, in that space is there in the ANC for any of its members to raise whatever concerns they may have within the structures of the organisation. They have taken a decision; now they want public sympathy and to clear their conscience.
It is not true that the ANC has veered away from the principles of the Freedom Charter after Polokwane. In fact the ANC has moved closer to all demands of the Freedom Charter. We must ask what these comrades have to offer the working class beyond their righteous pronouncements. What is their programme to address the challenges facing the working class which include unemployment, poor quality jobs, poverty, inequality crime etc or are they simply interested to regain glory and status by hook or by crook? What is their track record on these matters?
Was it not they who were in charge when we adopted neo-liberal solutions - is it not them who forced GEAR down our throats, was it not them who privatised and commoditised basic services - did this programme not cost Telkom workers their jobs? Was it not they who were in charge of the economy when we saw our former secure and permanent jobs being replaced by insecure casual and atypical forms of work? Was it not they who managed the economy to the point where the main benefits accrued to white monopoly capital. We all know that we have not changed the accumulation path we inherited from apartheid. In real terms these people have failed workers and the poor. What will they offer us the poor in the convention they are convening?
Overall this is an act by people not happy about the general direction of the ANC. The ANC through Polokwane has remained a liberation movement of all freedom-loving South Africans but a liberation movement that has a bias towards the workers and the poor. Lekota and the others have spent the last few years trying to change the ANC from within itself, to move it away from being a home for all, in particular workers and the poor, into a party for the black elite. We have been calling on them to return and not to embark on the route to nowhere, but if they insist to go ahead and form a new black DA, then they must know that we tried to talk them out of committing a political suicide.
We call on all our members, and all our people, not to be misled by misinformation and lies that people were being purged, and even about the sacred document of the people the Freedom Charter. Instead more than ever before COSATU members should swell the ranks of the ANC to ensure that all the clauses of the Freedom Charter are implemented to the fullest.
Having said let me hasten to say COSATU has not been immune from all these divisions facing the ANC. We saw them in our 9th National Congress and again as we prepared for the ANC 52nd National Conference. COSATU faced a bitter leadership contest for the position of president in our last congress. COSATU leaders appeared in different lists during the Polokwane conference.
COSATU has been accused to be an appendage of individual leaders in the ANC. This claim is without foundations - COSATU is no one's puppet and will defend its hard won independence. If the leaders we supported fail to implement progressive agenda I have no doubt that the workers will mandate us to remove them! We are not here to serve our jackets but our members!
Overall dear comrades we have a responsibility to defend the unity of the federation and to unite the ANC and the Alliance around a new progressive platform that is informed by the decisions of Polokwane. This means we must play a more decisive role in the coming elections campaign. If we are correct as we claim that Polokwane was a decisive moment that in the overall shifted the ANC to the left and affirmed its historic biasness towards the poor, then it goes without saying that those who stand to benefit most from the current changes must win elections for the ANC. In this regard COSATU must lead all other forces for a decisive ANC victory. That victory must be decisive!
All of the above suggest that we have difficult task ahead of us, especially to defend the outcome of Polokwane. It also means we cannot rest our laurels given the multitude of challenges confronting us. We have to deepen the democratic breakthrough to achieve the broad aims of the democratic revolution. Next year marks the fifteenth anniversary of our young democracy and the third democratic poll. How far are we to establishing a truly democratic, non-racial, non-sexist South Africa is the question that will confront us? Are the material conditions of our people better than they were under apartheid or has a few benefited at the expense of the majority?
Clearly comrades, we need to accelerate the pace of change and transformation and Polokwane is but a milestone in our ongoing struggle to rid our society of poverty, hunger, joblessness, crime and inequality. It lays the basis for cohesion within the alliance to tackle the many challenges confronting us. Of course the Polokwane outcome does not resolve all the issues but has created a better climate within the democratic movement. We need to ensure that the mood of cooperation, consultation and democratic participation is sustained beyond elections. We must transcend the politics of the past and restore unity and confidence of our people in our movement.
The basic role of a trade union is to represent its members against arbitrary power of employers and to win a living wage and better working conditions. NUMSA must critically reflect in the congress toward extent it has discharged this basic mandate of the trade union movement? In this congress we must interrogate the effectiveness of all the tools at our disposals, including the three-year wage agreements. We must ask ourselves searching questions about the impact of three year agreements especially on internal work place activism and militancy of our members.
COSATU resolve to remain engaged in the workplace, communities and in the broader political struggles remains relevant more than ever. We should avoid the temptation to over-emphasise one terrain of struggle over the others. These issues are interconnected. Defeating the agenda of capital is not an eight hour occupation but a full time job. Capital's agenda is not only to be found in the work place it is found in our homes and in the political arena. The social dislocation confronting working class communities is traced back to capital's agenda to reduce labour costs. The crisis of social reproduction is a direct product of capitalist restructuring. Moreover, comrades, the working class has deep connections to the townships and the rural areas and our cadres, shop stewards must be at the forefront in the community struggles. Agreed let challenge bosses at the work place but politics and economic are too important to be left in the hands of the bosses and the elites.
Congress must also deal with organisational challenges confronting NUMSA. Earlier I spoke of the historic role of NUMSA as a trailblazer in the federation on a number of questions. In my view, NUMSA has not played this role as effectively as it did in the past. While I appreciate the resolve to challenge the logic of capital at the point of production adopted by NUMSA, what is the substantive programme to achieve this aim? Does NUMSA have clear answers to the sectoral challenges of the sectors in which it organises? Moreover, does the union have the necessary capacity to drive through its programmes and are members effectively involved in determining the direction of the union?
I have chosen to pose questions to challenge this Congress to move beyond self-congratulation to probe deeper into the state, vision and capacity of the union. These are testing times and demands innovative solutions. We cannot rest on past glories, we must provide appropriate answers that respond to the challenges we face today.
I have no doubt comrades that this Congress will not disappoint. We eagerly await the resolution of this congress and hope that it will add toward solidifying the unity of the movement. Furthermore, Congress must resolve to intensify NUMSA programmes on all fronts.
I thank you!
This is the text of the speech delivered by COSATU General Secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi, to 8th National Congress of NUMSA, October 14 2008
